Tag Archives: counter-revolution

Revolutions Must Anticipate Their Own Counterrevolutions

Revolutions Must Anticipate Their Own Counterrevolutions

GUEST POST from Greg Satell

In 1954 the economist Paul Samuelson received a postcard about an obscure dissertation. Written in 1900 by a long forgotten mathematician named Louis Bachelier, it implied that market behavior could be predicted using statistical techniques. Based on that foundation, Samuelson pioneered a new era of financial engineering.

As the eminent sociologist Max Weber pointed out, while material interests govern people’s conduct, ideas act like switchmen, determining the tracks that we travel down. Samuelson’s discovery of Bachelier’s paper was a moment when the track was switched. If markets could be engineered, the thinking went, they could be trusted.

We need to be careful about the stories we accept. Once the switchman changes those tracks, a zeitgeist forms and the wheels of society turn to keep the train going. We begin to judge progress on how far and fast we can get the train to go, rarely questioning whether we are on the right track or how we got started in that direction. Inevitably, we miss the backlash.

The Engineering Mindset

Samuelson’s discovery of Bachelier’s paper revolutionized economics. If economic behavior could be mathematically predicted, then systems could be built to drive decision making. Rather than rely on human judgment or fuzzy intuition, policy could be built on a much more concrete foundation. The hope was that the endless cycles of economic boom and bust could be eliminated, significantly reducing human hardship and pain.

This engineering approach to human affairs was not an altogether new idea. It was, in fact, early similar to the logical positivist movement that arose in the 1920s. Many felt that we need to take a more “scientific” approach, making sure that we logically verify each proposition we intend to accept and act on. In a short time, however, a young logician named Kurt Gödel would show that approach was hopelessly flawed.

In much the same way, a young mathematician named Benoit Mandelbrot soon exposed unfixable cracks in the foundations of financial engineering. Essentially, he showed empirically that the world was far more volatile than Samuelson and Bachelier assumed and their mathematics assumptions were unsound. He predicted these flaws would eventually lead to a financial meltdown, which they did in 2008.

Financial engineering isn’t the only effort to take human judgment out of policymaking. The realist school of foreign policy advises us to act on our interests rather than our values. The consumer welfare standard suggests that economic analysis, rather than the concerns of regulators, should govern antitrust matters. The doctrine of shareholder value dictates how corporate leaders make their decisions.

It’s no accident that these approaches gained steam in the 1970s, in the wake of the phenomenal engineering accomplishments of the Apollo program. The logical positivist movement in the 1920s arose in the wake of historic advances in physical sciences. Unfortunately, trying to apply those approaches to social sciences courts disaster.

The Pervasiveness Of identity And Dignity

The idea that we can govern our decisions by pure logic is tantalizing. We can analyze the factors at play, apply an objective standard and execute the resulting decision. Yet there is a reason that these ideas consistently fall short. As Gödel showed in his famous theorems, every logical analysis is necessarily incomplete. One of the most often overlooked factors that govern human decisions is identity and dignity.

Consider the ultimatum game. One player is given a dollar and needs to propose how to split it with another player. If it is accepted, both players get the agreed upon shares. If it is not accepted, neither player gets anything. If the world was completely rational, the second player would accept an offer of even a single penny. After all, a penny is better than nothing.

Yet decades of experiments across different cultures show that most people do not accept it. In fact, offers of less than 30 cents are routinely rejected as unfair. It offends people’s dignity and sense of self. For many of the same reasons, there is increasing evidence that financial targets don’t motivate employees. No one wants to be a cog in someone else’s wheel.

This may seem impractical, but it is in the service of a greater logic. In a study in which a public goods game similar to the ultimatum game was played it was found that cooperative—as well as punitive—behavior is contagious, spreading through three degrees of interactions, even between people who haven’t had any direct contact.

Behavior isn’t just about transactions, it’s about setting norms. People need to make sense of the world and they do that through narratives. Those narratives, in turn, drive behaviors.

Building The Power Narrative

The march of history has been a succession of narratives. Centuries ago people marched into battle, bled and died gruesome deaths because they believed in the divine right of kings. The American revolution marked not just a change in government, but a change in the stories people told themselves. World Wars were fought based on competing narratives.

Over the past 50 years, we’ve seen a quick succession of failed storylines. The excesses of Johnson’s Great Society gave way to the Reagan Revolution, which told us that government was the enemy and needed to get out of the way. Then, in short order, we had a Savings and Loan crisis and it seemed that unbridled free enterprise had its shortcomings.

The growing distrust in government led to a new era of celebrity CEOs. Lee Iacocca paved the way for Jack Welch’s management revolution that hollowed out our industrial base and helped lead to scandals such as Enron. We believed the tales Alan Greenspan told us about self-correcting markets until a meltdown in mortgage bonds brought on the Great Recession.

With big business discredited, we put our faith in Silicon Valley, which looks increasingly like a doomsday machine. We no longer assume the good faith of idealistic tech entrepreneurs, but fear being manipulated and controlled by big tech monopolies. Unions, once pilloried as corrupt underminers of capitalism are now enjoying a surge in popularity.

As MIT professors Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson point out in their book, Power and Progress, narratives are often pushed by elites for their own purposes. It makes sense for government bureaucrats to wax glowingly about the virtues of public service, while CEOs preach the joys of the free market even as they undermine competition and get fat off of government contracts. There’s always somebody selling us something.
If Power Corrupts, What Contains It?

Saul Alinsky noted that every revolution inspires its own counter-revolution. “Once we accept and learn to anticipate the inevitable counterrevolution, we may then alter the historical pattern of revolution and counterrevolution from the traditional slow advance of two steps forward and one step backward to minimizing the latter,” he wrote.

We are at an inflection point, with multiple pendulum’s beginning to swing the other way. The Business Roundtable denounced shareholder capitalism, Russia’s failures in Ukraine, military and otherwise, exposed not only the bankruptcy of the realists but the importance of values and living up to them. The New Brandeis movement is beginning to strengthen antitrust enforcement and promote greater market competition.

Underlying these trends is a convergence of power shifts the most important of which is demography. The Boomer generation, because the Generation X which followed was so small, has wielded political dominance since the 80s, but is now being displaced by Millennials and Zoomers who hold vastly different values and priorities.

Yet as power is shifting, we need to ask where it is shifting to, who will benefit, what narratives they will build. The ultimate adversary of genuine, lasting change is excess. The ideas that are now being discredited arose for a reason. They filled legitimate needs and produced real benefits. That’s how they gained traction in the first place.

That’s why if we really care about change, we need to learn to love our haters. They’re the ones who can keep us in check, point out flaws in our ideas and even point us toward shared values and shared purpose. Transformation can’t be an end in itself, it needs to be in service of the people it affects.

— Article courtesy of the Digital Tonto blog
— Image credit: Pixabay

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Five Immutable Laws of Change

Five Immutable Laws of Change

GUEST POST from Greg Satell

When I first arrived in Poland in 1997, change was all around me. It was like watching a society transform itself through time-lapse photography. Everywhere you looked, the country was shaking off decades of post-communist rust and striving to make good on the promise of 1989’s historic Round Table Agreement.

Yet it wasn’t until the fall of 2004 that I truly understood the power of change. By then, I was living in Kyiv, Ukraine and the entire country erupted in protests now known as the Orange Revolution. While Warsaw in the 90s was like rebuilding after a tornado hit, Ukraine was like being in the eye of the storm itself.

That experience led to a 15-year long journey of discovery and my book Cascades. What I found was that throughout history many have sought to create change and most have failed, but a few succeeded brilliantly. Starting out with very different challenges, philosophies and personalities, they eventually all arrived at the same principles that allowed them to prevail.

Law #1: The Status Quo Has Inertia On Its Side And Never Yields Gracefully

We tend to overvalue ideas. We think that if we have a good idea, people will immediately see its worth. Yet that’s hardly ever the case. As computer pioneer Howard Aiken put it, “Don’t worry about people stealing your ideas. If your ideas are any good, you’ll have to ram them down people’s throats.”

Consider the case of Ignaz Semmelweis, who first came up with the idea that medical staff in hospitals should wash their hands before operating on patients. You would think that would be an obviously good idea. Nevertheless, he was ostracized for it and ended up dying in an insane asylum, ironically from an infection he contracted under care.

Semmelweis’s plight was tragic, but is also so amazingly common that the tendency for the establishment to reject ideas is referred to as the Semmelweis effect. In fact, while researching my book Mapping Innovation I interviewed dozens of successful innovators and I found that every single one had to overcome stiff resistance to transform their idea into something useful.

The fact that you will face opposition when protesting an authoritarian regime is obvious, but an organizational environment can be just as cutthroat. Make no mistake. If your idea is important and has real potential for impact, there will be some who will hate it and they will work to undermine it in ways that are dishonest, underhanded and deceptive.

That must be your primary design constraint.

Law #2: Small Groups, Loosely Connected, But United By Shared Purpose Drive Transformational Change

For decades, change consultants have been telling us that if we want to drive transformation, we should “start with a bang” and create a “sense of urgency” through a big communication campaign. The results have been atrocious. In fact, McKinsey has found that nearly three quarters of organizational transformations do not succeed.

It’s not hard to understand why. If there are people who are determined to see your change fail—and every significant change encounters resistance—than a “rally the troops” type of approach will only serve to alert those who oppose change that they better get started undermining it or it might actually happen.

Fortunately, science points to another way. The truth is that small groups, loosely connected, but united by a shared purpose drive transformational change. So instead of trying to convince everybody at once, identify those who are already enthusiastic about your idea, who want it to work as much as you do. Those are people you can empower to succeed and can help bring in others, who can bring in others still.

Yet identifying advocates is only part of the battle. You also need to find imbue the effort with purpose and give it meaning. Unfortunately, all too often the quest for purpose is treated as a communication exercise. It isn’t. For change to be meaningful it has to actually solve a problem that people care about.

Law #3: Revolutions Begin With a Cause, Not A Slogan

Every change effort starts with a grievance. There’s something that people don’t like and they want it to be different. In a social or political movement that may be a corrupt leader or a glaring injustice. In an organizational context it’s usually something like falling sales, unhappy customers, low employee morale or technological disruption.

Whatever the case may be, the first step toward bringing change about is understanding that getting mired in grievance won’t get you anywhere. You can’t just complain about things you don’t like, but must come up with an affirmative vision for how you would want things to be.

The best place to start is by asking yourself, “if I had the power to change anything, what would it look like?” Martin Luther King Jr.s vision for the civil rights movement was for a Beloved Community. Bill Gates’s vision for Microsoft was for a “computer on every desk and in every home.” A good vision should be aspirational, but not completely out of reach.

One of the things I found in my research is that successful change leaders don’t try to move from grievance to vision in one step, but rather identify a Keystone Change, which focuses on a clear and tangible goal, includes multiple stakeholders and paves the way for future change, to bridge the gap.

For King, the Keystone Change was voting rights. For Gates it was an easy-to-use operating system. For your vision, it will undoubtedly be something different. The salient point here is that every successful transformation I found started out with a Keystone Change, so that’s where you will want to start as well.

Law #4: Design Tactics That Mobilize People to Influence Institutions

Organizational change consultants often recommend that changemakers prepare a stakeholder map. This isn’t necessarily a bad idea, but it is somewhat inadequate because it fails to distinguish between different kinds of stakeholders. Some stakeholders are targets for mobilization and others are targets for influence.

For example, both parents and school boards are important stakeholders in education, but for very different reasons. School boards wield institutional power that can effect change, parents do not, so we mobilize parents to influence school boards, not the other way around. We need to approach constituencies and institutions in very different ways.

One of the things we’ve consistently found in our work helping organizations to drive transformational change is that leaders construe stakeholders far too narrowly. Fortunately, decades of non-violent activism have given us powerful tools for both: the Spectrum of Allies for constituencies and the Pillars of Support for institutions.

A crucial point to remember is that you can’t dictate change by mandate. You can’t overpower but must instead attract people and empower them so that they can take ownership of the cause and make it their own. You need to accept that people will do things for their own reasons, not for yours.

Most of all, remember that every action has to have a clear purpose and be directed at influencing specific institutions. So before taking any action, ask two questions: Who are we mobilizing and to influence what?

Law #5: Every Revolution Inspires Its Own Counter-Revolution

In the aftermath of the Orange Revolution we thought we had won. After all, we had stood up to the injustice of a falsified election and prevailed. Unfortunately, it didn’t turn out that way. Five years later, Viktor Yanukovych, the same man who we had taken to the streets to prevent from office, rose to power in an election that international observers deemed free and fair. His corrupt and incompetent rule would trigger a second Ukrainian Revolution.

We find a similar pattern with many of the executives we work with. They work for months—and sometimes years—to get a project off the ground. Yet just when they think they’re turning the corner, when they’ve won executive sponsorship, signed up key partners and procured enough financing to have a realistic budget, all the sudden things seem to get mired down.

That’s no accident. Just because you’ve won a few early battles doesn’t mean opposition to your idea has melted away. On the contrary, faced with the fact that change may actually succeed, those who oppose it have probably just begun to redouble their efforts to undermine it. These efforts are often not overt, but they are there and can easily derail an initiative.

That’s why every change effort must learn how to survive victory. The truth is that change is always a journey, never a particular destination, which is why lasting change is always built on common ground. That doesn’t mean that you need to win over your fiercest critics, but it does mean you need to try to empathize with their perspective.

There is a reason why some change leaders succeed while others fail. At some point everybody needs to decide whether they would rather make a point or make a difference and, in the end, those that prevail choose the latter.

— Article courtesy of the Digital Tonto blog
— Image credit: Pexels

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